Hello my name is Sowmya and I have too many books.
chorus of internet voices: *hi sowmya thanks for sharing your story with us*
I’d love to loan you a book – but there’s massive information asymmetry here. You don’t know what I have, and I don’t know what you want. To my mind, this is an annoying but solvable problem – and, magic words, it can work at scale!
It all started with this:
With the help of smart and community-oriented folks, we debated this for a week or so – and then set up:
Our approach to the idea of sharing all of our books seemed really simple in hindsight – it took multiple painful group DM conversations to get there (note, wow do DMs suck for such conversations – but moving to slack is such a pain if everyone doesn’t have it)
- We list our books
- We let people borrow them
- We use Dunzo as a pickup option / or physically if logistics permits
- We run on trust – so no money, no fees – just be kind to the books
- We find someway to ensure everyone knows the available/not status of each book in our repository
GOOD READS CLUNKY BUT LOVABLE INTERFACE TO THE RESCUE: https://www.goodreads.com/group/show/857878-bangalore-open-library
- How to borrow: Find the name of the person who added it to the “available” shelf on Goodreads, and drop them a message. They’ll let you know what to do next.
- I have books that I’d like to add: If you’re okay with the logistics of other readers dropping by to pick up books, here’s what you do:
- Make sure you have a goodreads account and are logged in
- Join the Group: https://www.goodreads.com/group/show/…
- Add the books you’re willing to lend to the “available” bookshelf.
Directions: Peruse with a stiff drink, or a shot of melancholy
I took out the trash to apologize. You made dinner to thank me for finishing
our taxes. I stayed on the couch for my bad mood. You went to bed early
to excuse yourself from yours. The croissant, a peace offering. Two loads of laundry,
repentance. The sidewalk you shoveled while I slept, something resembling
forgiveness. When the words fail, the house still rings with conversation,
its rooms like wide mouths, the unswept floors, a burgeoning embrace. A kiss waits
inside every spent tube of toothpaste. When the milk sours, we fall in love
all over again. So I am saving the garage for the hard argument.
You are keeping the basement
in your back pocket.
What can I hold you with?
I offer you lean streets, desperate sunsets, the
moon of the jagged suburbs.
I offer you the bitterness of a man who has looked long and long at the lonely moon.
I offer you my ancestors, my dead men, the ghosts that living men have honoured in bronze:
my father’s father killed in the frontier of Buenos Aires, two bullets through his lungs,
bearded and dead, wrapped by his soldiers in the hide of a cow; my mother’s grandfather
–just twentyfour– heading a charge of three hundred men in Peru, now ghosts on vanished horses.
I offer you whatever insight my books may hold,
whatever manliness or humour my life.
I offer you the loyalty of a man who has never been loyal.
I offer you that kernel of myself that I have saved,
somehow –the central heart that deals not in words, traffics not with dreams, and is untouched by time, by joy, by adversities.
I offer you the memory of a yellow rose seen at sunset, years before you were born.
I offer you explanations of yourself, theories about
yourself, authentic and surprising news of yourself.
I can give you my loneliness, my darkness, the hunger of my heart;
I am trying to bribe you
with uncertainty, with danger, with defeat.
i was talking to a moth
the other evening
he was trying to break into
an electric light bulb
and fry himself on the wires
why do you fellows
pull this stunt i asked him
because it is the conventional
thing for moths or why
if that had been an uncovered
candle instead of an electric
light bulb you would
now be a small unsightly cinder
have you no sense
plenty of it he answered
but at times we get tired
of using it
we get bored with the routine
and crave beauty
fire is beautiful
and we know that if we get
too close it will kill us
but what does that matter
it is better to be happy
for a moment
and be burned up with beauty
than to live a long time
and be bored all the while
so we wad all our life up
into one little roll
and then we shoot the roll
that is what life is for
it is better to be a part of beauty
for one instant and then cease to
exist than to exist forever
and never be a part of beauty
our attitude toward life
is come easy go easy
we are like human beings
used to be before they became
too civilized to enjoy themselves
and before i could argue him
out of his philosophy
he went and immolated himself
on a patent cigar lighter
i do not agree with him
myself i would rather have
half the happiness and twice
but at the same time i wish
there was something i wanted
as badly as he wanted to fry himself
I’ve had the privilege of listening to her in person, in Delhi, and getting her to sign my book (a copy of the Handmaid’s Tale, at that!). This essay is wonderful. Read it here:
This quote stood out: “The pen is mightier than the sword, but only in retrospect,” she wrote. “At the time of combat, those with the swords generally win.”
The Honourable Dr. B.R. Ambedkar : Sir, looking back on the work of the Constituent Assembly it will now be two years, eleven months and seventeen days since it first met on the 9th of December 1946. During this period the Constituent Assembly has altogether held eleven sessions. Out of these eleven sessions the first six were spent in passing the Objectives Resolution and the consideration of the Reports of Committees on Fundamental Rights, on Union Constitution, on Union Powers, on Provincial Constitution, on Minorities and on the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes. The seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth and the eleventh sessions were devoted to the consideration of the Draft Constitution. These eleven sessions of the Constituent Assembly have consumed 165 days. Out of these, the Assembly spent 114 days for the consideration of the Draft Constitution.
Coming to the Drafting Committee, it was elected by the Constituent Assembly on 29th August 1947. It held its first meeting on 30th August. Since August 30th it sat for 141 days during which it was engaged in the preparation of the Draft Constitution. The Draft Constitution as prepared by the Constitutional Adviser as a text for the Draft Committee to work upon, consisted of 243 articles and 13 Schedules. The first Draft Constitution as presented by the Drafting Committee to the Constituent Assembly contained 315 articles and 8 Schedules. At the end of the consideration stage, the number of articles in the Draft Constitution increased to 386. In its final form, the Draft Constitution contains 395 articles and 8 Schedules. The total number of amendments to the Draft Constitution tabled was approximately 7,635. Of them, the total number of amendments actually moved in the House were 2,473.
I mention these facts because at one stage it was being said that the Assembly had taken too long a time to finish its work, that it was going on leisurely and wasting public money. It was said to be a case of Nero fiddling while Rome was burning. Is there any justification for this complaint? Let us note the time consumed by Constituent Assemblies in other countries appointed for framing their Constitutions. To take a few illustrations, the American Convention met on May 25th, 1787 and completed its work on September 17, 1787 i.e., within four months. The Constitutional Convention of Canada met on the 10th October 1864 and the Constitution was passed into law in March 1867 involving a period of two years and five months. The Australian Constitutional Convention assembled in March 1891 and the Constitution became law on the 9th July 1900, consuming a period of nine years. The South African Convention met in October, 1908 and the Constitution became law on the 20th September 1909 involving one year’s labour. It is true that we have taken more time than what the American or South African Conventions did. But we have not taken more time than the Canadian Convention and much less than the Australian Convention. In making comparisons on the basis of time consumed, two things must be remembered. One is that the Constitutions of America, Canada, South Africa and Australia are much smaller than ours. Our Constitution as I said contains 395 articles while the American has just seven articles, the first four of which are divided into sections which total up to 21, the Canadian has 147, Australian 128 and South African 153 sections. The second thing to be remembered is that the makers of the Constitutions of America, Canada, Australia and South Africa did not have to face the problem of amendments. They were passed as moved. On the other hand, this Constituent Assembly had to deal with as many as 2,473 amendments. Having regard to these facts the charge of dilatoriness seems to me quite unfounded and this Assembly may well congratulate itself for having accomplished so formidable a task in so short a time.
Turning to the quality of the work done by the Drafting Committee, Mr. Naziruddin Ahmed felt it his duty to condemn it outright. In his opinion, the work done by the Drafting Committee is not only not worthy of commendation, but is positively below par. Everybody has a right to have his opinion about the work done by the Drafting Committee and Mr. Naziruddin is welcome to have his own. Mr. Naziruddin Ahmed thinks he is a man of greater talents than any member of the Drafting Committee. The Drafting Committee would have welcomed him in their midst if the Assembly had thought him worthy of being appointed to it. If he had no place in the making of the Constitution it is certainly not the fault of the Drafting Committee.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmed has coined a new name for the Drafting Committee evidently to show his contempt for it. He calls it a Drafting committee. Mr. Naziruddin must no doubt be pleased with his hit. But he evidently does not know that there is a difference between drift without mastery and drift with mastery. If the Drafting Committee was drifting, it was never without mastery over the situation. It was not merely angling with the off chance of catching a fish. It was searching in known waters to find the fish it was after. To be in search of something better is not the same as drifting. Although Mr. Naziruddin Ahmed did not mean it as a compliment to the Drafting committee. I take it as a compliment to the Drafting Committee. The Drafting Committee would have been guilty of gross dereliction of duty and of a false sense of dignity if it had not shown the honesty and the courage to withdraw the amendments which it thought faulty and substitute what it thought was better. If it is a mistake, I am glad the Drafting Committee did not fight shy of admitting such mistakes and coming forward to correct them.
I am glad to find that with the exception of a solitary member, there is a general consensus of appreciation from the members of the Constituent Assembly of the work done by the Drafting Committee. I am sure the Drafting Committee feels happy to find this spontaneous recognition of its labours expressed in such generous terms. As to the compliments that have been showered upon me both by the members of the Assembly as well as by my colleagues of the Drafting Committee I feel so overwhelmed that I cannot find adequate words to express fully my gratitude to them. I came into the Constituent Assembly with no greater aspiration than to safeguard the interests of he Scheduled Castes. I had not the remotest idea that I would be called upon to undertake more responsible functions. I was therefore greatly surprised when the Assembly elected me to the Drafting Committee. I was more than surprised when the Drafting Committee elected me to be its Chairman. There were in the Drafting Committee men bigger, better and more competent than myself such as my friend Sir Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar. I am grateful to the Constituent Assembly and the Drafting Committee for reposing in me so much trust and confidence and to have chosen me as their instrument and given me this opportunity of serving the country. (Cheers)
The credit that is given to me does not really belong to me. It belongs partly to Sir B.N. Rau, the Constitutional Adviser to the Constituent Assembly who prepared a rough draft of the Constitution for the consideration of the Drafting Committee. A part of the credit must go to the members of the Drafting Committee who, as I have said, have sat for 141 days and without whose ingenuity of devise new formulae and capacity to tolerate and to accommodate different points of view, the task of framing the Constitution could not have come to so successful a conclusion. Much greater, share of the credit must go to Mr. S.N. Mukherjee, the Chief Draftsman of the Constitution. His ability to put the most intricate proposals in the simplest and clearest legal form can rarely be equalled, nor his capacity for hard work. He has been as acquisition tot he Assembly. Without his help, this Assembly would have taken many more years to finalise the Constitution. I must not omit to mention the members of the staff working under Mr. Mukherjee. For, I know how hard they have worked and how long they have toiled sometimes even beyond midnight. I want to thank them all for their effort and their co-operation.(Cheers)
The task of the Drafting Committee would have been a very difficult one if this Constituent Assembly has been merely a motley crowd, a tasseleted pavement without cement, a black stone here and a white stone there is which each member or each group was a law unto itself. There would have been nothing but chaos. This possibility of chaos was reduced to nil by the existence of the Congress Party inside the Assembly which brought into its proceedings a sense of order and discipline. It is because of the discipline of the Congress Party that the Drafting Committee was able to pilot the Constitution in the Assembly with the sure knowledge as to the fate of each article and each amendment. The Congress Party is, therefore, entitled to all the credit for the smooth sailing of the Draft Constitution in the Assembly.
The proceedings of this Constituent Assembly would have been very dull if all members had yielded to the rule of party discipline. Party discipline, in all its rigidity, would have converted this Assembly into a gathering of yes’ men. Fortunately, there were rebels. They were Mr. Kamath, Dr. P.S. Deshmukh, Mr. Sidhva, Prof. K.T. Shah and Pandit Hirday Nath Kunzru. The points they raised were mostly ideological. That I was not prepared to accept their suggestions, does not diminish the value of their suggestions nor lessen the service they have rendered to the Assembly in enlivening its proceedings. I am grateful to them. But for them, I would not have had the opportunity which I got for expounding the principles underlying the Constitution which was more important than the mere mechanical work of passing the Constitution.
Finally, I must thank you Mr. President for the way in which you have conducted the proceedings of this Assembly. The courtesy and the consideration which you have shown to the Members of the Assembly can never be forgotten by those who have taken part in the proceedings of this Assembly. There were occasions when the amendments of the Drafting Committee were sought to be barred on grounds purely technical in their nature. Those were very anxious moments for me. I am, therefore, specially grateful to you for not permitting legalism to defeat the work of Constitution-making.
As much defence as could be offered to the constitution has been offered by my friends Sir Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar and Mr.. T.T. Krishnamachari. I shall not therefore enter into the merits of the Constitution. Because I feel, however good a Constitution may be, it is sure to turn out bad because those who are called to work it, happen to be a bad lot. However had a Constitution may be, it may turn out to be good if those who are called to work it, happen to be a good lot. The working of a Constitution does not depend wholly upon the nature of the Constitution. The Constitution can provide only the organs of State such as the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. The factors on which the working of those organs of the State depend are the people and the political parties they will set up as their instruments to carry out their wishes and their politics. Who can say how the people of India and their purposes or will they prefer revolutionary methods of achieving them? If they adopt the revolutionary methods, however good the Constitution may be, it requires no prophet to say that it will fail. It is, therefore, futile to pass any judgement upon the Constitution without reference to the part which the people and their parties are likely to play.
The condemnation of the Constitution largely comes from two quarters, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. Why do they condemn the Constitution? Is it because it is really a bad Constitution? I venture to say no’. The Communist Party want a Constitution based upon the principle of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. They condemn the Constitution because it is based upon parliamentary democracy. The Socialists want two things. The first thing they want is that if they come in power, the Constitution must give them the freedom to nationalize or socialize all private property without payment of compensation. The second thing that the Socialists want is that the Fundamental Rights mentioned in the Constitution must be absolute and without any limitations so that if their Party fails to come into power, they would have the unfettered freedom not merely to criticize, but also to overthrow the State.
These are the main grounds on which the Constitution is being condemned. I do not say that the principle of parliamentary democracy is the only ideal form of political democracy. I do not say that the principle of no acquisition of private property without compensation is so sacrosanct that there can be no departure from it. I do not say that Fundamental Rights can never be absolute and the limitations set upon them can never be lifted. What I do say is that the principles embodied in the Constitution are the views of the present generation or if you think this to be an over-statement, I say they are the views of the members of the Constituent Assembly. Why blame the Drafting Committee for embodying them in the Constitution? I say why blame even the Members of the Constituent Assembly? Jefferson, the great American statesman who played so great a part in the making of the American constitution, has expressed some very weighty views which makers of Constitution, can never afford to ignore. In one place he has said:-
“We may consider each generation as a distinct nation, with a right, by the will of the majority, to bind themselves, but none to bind the succeeding generation, more than the inhabitants of another country.”
In another place, he has said :
“The idea that institutions established for the use of the national cannot be touched or modified, even to make them answer their end, because of rights gratuitously supposed in those employed to manage them in the trust for the public, may perhaps be a salutary provision against the abuses of a monarch, but is most absurd against the nation itself. Yet our lawyers and priests generally inculcate this doctrine, and suppose that preceding generations held the earth more freely than we do; had a right to impose laws on us, unalterable by ourselves, and that we, in the like manner, can make laws and impose burdens on future generations, which they will have no right to alter; in fine, that the earth belongs to the dead and not the living;”
I admit that what Jefferson has said is not merely true, but is absolutely true. There can be no question about it. Had the Constituent Assembly departed from this principle laid down by Jefferson it would certainly be liable to blame, even to condemnation. But I ask, has it? Quite the contrary. One has only to examine the provision relating to the amendment of the Constitution. The Assembly has not only refrained from putting a seal of finality and infallibility upon this Constitution as in Canada or by making the amendment of the Constitution subject tot he fulfilment of extraordinary terms and conditions as in America or Australia, but has provided a most facile procedure for amending the Constitution. I challenge any of the critics of the Constitution to prove that any Constituent Assembly anywhere in the world has, in the circumstances in which this country finds itself, provided such a facile procedure for the amendment of the Constitution. If those who are dissatisfied with the Constitution have only to obtain a 2/3 majority and if they cannot obtain even a two-thirds majority in the parliament elected on adult franchise in their favour, their dissatisfaction with the Constitution cannot be deemed to be shared by the general public.
There is only one point of constitutional import to which I propose to make a reference. A serious complaint is made on the ground that there is too much of centralization and that the States have been reduced to Municipalities. It is clear that this view is not only an exaggeration, but is also founded on a misunderstanding of what exactly the Constitution contrives to do. As to the relation between the Centre and the States, it is necessary to bear in mind the fundamental principle on which it rests. The basic principle of Federalism is that the Legislative and Executive authority is partitioned between the Centre and the States not by any law to be made by the Centre but by the Constitution itself. This is what Constitution does. The States under our Constitution are in no way dependent upon the Centre for their legislative or executive authority. The Centre and the States are co-equal in this matter. It is difficult to see how such a Constitution can be called centralism. It may be that the Constitution assigns to the Centre too large a field for the operation of its legislative and executive authority than is to be found in any other federal Constitution. It may be that the residuary powers are given to the Centre and not to the States. But these features do not form the essence of federalism. The chief mark of federalism as I said lies in the partition of the legislative and executive authority between the Centre and the Units by the Constitution. This is the principle embodied in our constitution. There can be no mistake about it. It is, therefore, wrong to say that the States have been placed under the Centre. Centre cannot by its own will alter the boundary of that partition. Nor can the Judiciary. For as has been well said:
“Courts may modify, they cannot replace. They can revise earlier interpretations as new arguments, new points of view are presented, they can shift the dividing line in marginal cases, but there are barriers they cannot pass, definite assignments of power they cannot reallocate. They can give a broadening construction of existing powers, but they cannot assign to one authority powers explicitly granted to another.”
The first charge of centralization defeating federalism must therefore fall.
The second charge is that the Centre has been given the power to override the States. This charge must be admitted. But before condemning the Constitution for containing such overriding powers, certain considerations must be borne in mind. The first is that these overriding powers do not form the normal feature of the constitution. Their use and operation are expressly confined to emergencies only. The second consideration is : Could we avoid giving overriding powers to the Centre when an emergency has arisen? Those who do not admit the justification for such overriding powers to the Centre even in an emergency, do not seem to have a clear idea of the problem which lies at the root of the matter. The problem is so clearly set out by a writer in that well-known magazine “The Round Table” in its issue of December 1935 that I offer no apology for quoting the following extract from it. Says the writer :
“Political systems are a complex of rights and duties resting ultimately on the question, to whom, or to what authority, does the citizen owe allegiance. In normal affairs the question is not present, for the law works smoothly, and a man, goes about his business obeying one authority in this set of matters and another authority in that. But in a moment of crisis, a conflict of claims may arise, and it is then apparent that ultimate allegiance cannot be divided. The issue of allegiance cannot be determined in the last resort by a juristic interpretation of statutes. The law must conform to the facts or so much the worse for the law. When all formalism is stripped away, the bare question is, what authority commands the residual loyalty of the citizen. Is it the Centre or the Constituent State ?”
The solution of this problem depends upon one’s answer to this question which is the crux of the problem. There can be no doubt that in the opinion of the vast majority of the people, the residual loyalty of the citizen in an emergency must be to the Centre and not to the Constituent States. For it is only the Centre which can work for a common end and for the general interests of the country as a whole. Herein lies the justification for giving to all Centre certain overriding powers to be used in an emergency. And after all what is the obligation imposed upon the Constituent States by these emergency powers? No more than this – that in an emergency, they should take into consideration alongside their own local interests, the opinions and interests of the nation as a whole. Only those who have not understood the problem, can complain against it.
Here I could have ended. But my mind is so full of the future of our country that I feel I ought to take this occasion to give expression to some of my reflections thereon. On 26th January 1950, India will be an independent country (Cheers). What would happen to her independence? Will she maintain her independence or will she lose it again? This is the first thought that comes to my mind. It is not that India was never an independent country. The point is that she once lost the independence she had. Will she lost it a second time? It is this thought which makes me most anxious for the future. What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by the infidelity and treachery of some of her own people. In the invasion of Sind by Mahommed-Bin-Kasim, the military commanders of King Dahar accepted bribes from the agents of Mahommed-Bin-Kasim and refused to fight on the side of their King. It was Jaichand who invited Mahommed Gohri to invade India and fight against Prithvi Raj and promised him the help of himself and the Solanki Kings. When Shivaji was fighting for the liberation of Hindus, the other Maratha noblemen and the Rajput Kings were fighting the battle on the side of Moghul Emperors. When the British were trying to destroy the Sikh Rulers, Gulab Singh, their principal commander sat silent and did not help to save the Sikh Kingdom. In 1857, when a large part of India had declared a war of independence against the British, the Sikhs stood and watched the event as silent spectators.
Will history repeat itself? It is this thought which fills me with anxiety. This anxiety is deepened by the realization of the fact that in addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds we are going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political creeds. Will Indian place the country above their creed or will they place creed above country? I do not know. But this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost for ever. This eventuality we must all resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood.(Cheers)
On the 26th of January 1950, India would be a democratic country in the sense that India from that day would have a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The same thought comes to my mind. What would happen to her democratic Constitution? Will she be able to maintain it or will she lost it again. This is the second thought that comes to my mind and makes me as anxious as the first.
It is not that India did not know what is Democracy. There was a time when India was studded with republics, and even where there were monarchies, they were either elected or limited. They were never absolute. It is not that India did not know Parliaments or Parliamentary Procedure. A study of the Buddhist Bhikshu Sanghas discloses that not only there were Parliaments-for the Sanghas were nothing but Parliaments – but the Sanghas knew and observed all the rules of Parliamentary Procedure known to modern times. They had rules regarding seating arrangements, rules regarding Motions, Resolutions, Quorum, Whip, Counting of Votes, Voting by Ballot, Censure Motion, Regularization, Res Judicata, etc. Although these rules of Parliamentary Procedure were applied by the Buddha to the meetings of the Sanghas, he must have borrowed them from the rules of the Political Assemblies functioning in the country in his time.
This democratic system India lost. Will she lost it a second time? I do not know. But it is quite possible in a country like India – where democracy from its long disuse must be regarded as something quite new – there is danger of democracy giving place to dictatorship. It is quite possible for this new born democracy to retain its form but give place to dictatorship in fact. If there is a landslide, the danger of the second possibility becoming actuality is much greater.
If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form, but also in fact, what must we do? The first thing in my judgement we must do is to hold fast to constitutional methods of achieving our social and economic objectives. It means we must abandon the bloody methods of revolution. It means that we must abandon the method of civil disobedience, non-cooperation and satyagraha. When there was no way left for constitutional methods for achieving economic and social objectives, there was a great deal of justification for unconstitutional methods. But where constitutional methods are open, there can be no justification for these unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us.
The second thing we must do is to observe the caution which John Stuart Mill has given to all who are interested in the maintenance of democracy, namely, not “to lay their liberties at the feet of even a great man, or to trust him with power which enable him to subvert their institutions”. There is nothing wrong in being grateful to great men who have rendered life-long services to the country. But there are limits to gratefulness. As has been well said by the Irish Patriot Daniel O’Connel, no man can be grateful at the cost of his honour, no woman can be grateful at the cost of her chastity and no nation can be grateful at the cost of its liberty. This caution is far more necessary in the case of India than in the case of any other country. For in India, Bhakti or what may be called the path of devotion or hero-worship, plays a part in its politics unequalled in magnitude by the part it plays in the politics of any other country in the world. Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship.
The third thing we must do is not to be content with mere political democracy. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy. What does social democracy mean? It means a way of life which recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life. These principles of liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life. These principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be treated as separate items in a trinity. They form a union of trinity in the sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very purpose of democracy. Liberty cannot be divorced from equality, equality cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them. We must begin by acknowledging the fact that there is complete absence of two things in Indian Society. One of these is equality. On the social plane, we have in India a society based on the principle of graded inequality which we have a society in which there are some who have immense wealth as against many who live in abject poverty. On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognizing the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which is Assembly has to laboriously built up.
The second thing we are wanting in is recognition of the principle of fraternity. what does fraternity mean? Fraternity means a sense of common brotherhood of all Indians-if Indians being one people. It is the principle which gives unity and solidarity to social life. It is a difficult thing to achieve. How difficult it is, can be realized from the story related by James Bryce in his volume on American Commonwealth about the United States of America.
The story is- I propose to recount it in the words of Bryce himself- that-
“Some years ago the American Protestant Episcopal Church was occupied at its triennial Convention in revising its liturgy. It was thought desirable to introduce among the short sentence prayers a prayer for the whole people, and an eminent New England divine proposed the words `O Lord, bless our nation’. Accepted one afternoon, on the spur of the moment, the sentence was brought up next day for reconsideration, when so many objections were raised by the laity to the word nation’ as importing too definite a recognition of national unity, that it was dropped, and instead there were adopted the words `O Lord, bless these United States.”
There was so little solidarity in the U.S.A. at the time when this incident occurred that the people of America did not think that they were a nation. If the people of the United States could not feel that they were a nation, how difficult it is for Indians to think that they are a nation. I remember the days when politically-minded Indians, resented the expression “the people of India”. They preferred the expression “the Indian nation.” I am of opinion that in believing that we are a nation, we are cherishing a great delusion. How can people divided into several thousands of castes be a nation? The sooner we realize that we are not as yet a nation in the social and psychological sense of the world, the better for us. For then only we shall realize the necessity of becoming a nation and seriously think of ways and means of realizing the goal. The realization of this goal is going to be very difficult – far more difficult than it has been in the United States. The United States has no caste problem. In India there are castes. The castes are anti-national. In the first place because they bring about separation in social life. They are anti-national also because they generate jealousy and antipathy between caste and caste. But we must overcome all these difficulties if we wish to become a nation in reality. For fraternity can be a fact only when there is a nation. Without fraternity equality and liberty will be no deeper than coats of paint.
These are my reflections about the tasks that lie ahead of us. They may not be very pleasant to some. But there can be no gainsaying that political power in this country has too long been the monopoly of a few and the many are only beasts of burden, but also beasts of prey. This monopoly has not merely deprived them of their chance of betterment, it has sapped them of what may be called the significance of life. These down-trodden classes are tired of being governed. They are impatient to govern themselves. This urge for self-realization in the down-trodden classes must no be allowed to devolve into a class struggle or class war. It would lead to a division of the House. That would indeed be a day of disaster. For, as has been well said by Abraham Lincoln, a House divided against itself cannot stand very long. Therefore the sooner room is made for the realization of their aspiration, the better for the few, the better for the country, the better for the maintenance for its independence and the better for the continuance of its democratic structure. This can only be done by the establishment of equality and fraternity in all spheres of life. That is why I have laid so much stresses on them.
I do not wish to weary the House any further. Independence is no doubt a matter of joy. But let us not forget that this independence has thrown on us great responsibilities. By independence, we have lost the excuse of blaming the British for anything going wrong. If hereafter things go wrong, we will have nobody to blame except ourselves. There is great danger of things going wrong. Times are fast changing. People including our own are being moved by new ideologies. They are getting tired of Government by the people. They are prepared to have Governments for the people and are indifferent whether it is Government of the people and by the people. If we wish to preserve the Constitution in which we have sought to enshrine the principle of Government of the people, for the people and by the people, let us resolve not to be tardy in the recognition of the evils that lie across our path and which induce people to prefer Government for the people to Government by the people, nor to be weak in our initiative to remove them. That is the only way to serve the country. I know of no better.
The list is in no particular order but my favourite ones are starred**
**A flawed policy: The real problem with demonetisation is not just in implementation
This government’s modus operandi is constant distraction | The Indian Express
The story of how the Internet came to India: An insider’s account – News18
**Talk Nerdy To Me | Tin House
**Interview With a Woman Who Recently Had an Abortion at 32 Weeks
**Calypso cricket, made in Afghanistan | Cricking
Inside the Artificial Universe That Creates Itself – The Atlantic
The Rise of Twitter Bots – The New Yorker
The Innocent Man, Part One
You can find the entire list as a webpage link here.
(p.s. onetab is awesome)
Are you part of any mailing lists where super non-bubble type stuff is shared? Sans commentary? I’d love to be added! Tell me what you thought of these links?
My friend Sroyon, who writes a funny, gentle and very thoughtful blog asked on his FB page if there were websites that people learnt useful / interesting stuff from:
(“Are there any websites which you’ve learnt a lot from (apart from the obvious ones like Wikipedia)? It can be about anything – general knowledge, or knowledge on some specific subject which interests you. This is not a survey, I’m just asking out of personal interest.”).
Some of the responses surprised me and made me smile! As with any such combination of the two, I felt this was a question worth taking to Twitter as well.
As of today, here are the responses that Sroyon and I have received (tagged FB and Twitter respectively). Are there more such places on the interwebs? Tell!
- http://www.activistpost.com/ Discretion advised though
- John Green’s Crash Course series. Start off with the Crash Course series on World History
- Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy
- The school of life on YouTube
- How Stuff Works
- Newyorker (+ archives)
- NY/London Review of Books
- Kevin Kelly’s 50 greatest magazine articles
- Top rated posts on various subreddits such as ELI5, AskReddit, etc.
- Postsecret for life lessons
- http://Genius.com for annotated lyrics. Especially for rap.
- Goodreads for books and IMDB for movies.
- gohighbrow and datamonkey
- khan academy and MIT for technical subjects, w3schools for coding, and Google ofc
- stackoverflow is google for developers
The list is in no particular order but my favourite ones are starred**.
- Bernie Sanders’s speech on democratic socialism in the United States – Vox
- Paul Ford: What is Code? | Bloomberg **
- Postnatal care in France: Vagina exercises and video games
- The Nanda Devi mystery – Livemint
- If an Algorithm Wrote This, How Would You Even Know? – The New York Times
- 10 Simple Words Every Girl Should Learn – Role Reboot
- If Game of Thrones were in the Middle East – The Washington Post
- xkcd: Terry Pratchett **
- Multi-tasking: how to survive in the 21st century – FT.com
- The Earthquake That Will Devastate the Pacific Northwest – The New Yorker **
- If we can learn while asleep, when will we ever swit…
- An Obscure Hedge Fund Is Buying Tens of Billions of Dollars of U.S. Treasurys – WSJ
- The New Romantics in the Computer Age – NYTimes.com
- Can Marxist theory predict the end of Game of Thrones? | Television & radio | The Guardian
- Table of Contents – Matter – Medium**
- Yes, androids do dream of electric sheep | Technology | The Guardian
- The Most Mysterious Star in Our Galaxy – The Atlantic
- Harvard Law Library Readies Trove of Decisions for Digital Age – The New York Times
- The Futurist: Human DNA modification – The Daily of the University of Washington: Opinion
- Destined for War: Can China and the United States Escape Thucydides’s Trap? – The Atlantic
- California capitalism is starting to look a lot like Polish communism – Quartz
- Is Silicon Valley in Another Tech Bubble? | Vanity Fair
- [IRFCA] Indian Railways FAQ: Travelling by train in India
- World War E: How ebola turned Liberia into a zombie movie – Medium
- Gird Up Your Loins: An Illustrated Guide | The Art of Manliness
- Five Statistics Problems That Will Change The Way You See The World – Business Insider **
- Crash-Only Thinking
- The birds of Bharatpur and the babus of Delhi – The Hindu
- If You Commit to Nothing, You’ll Be Distracted by Everything: Lessons from the Marathon Monks – The Buffer Blog
- The Invention of Sliced Bread**
- On the Phenomenon of Bullshit Jobs – STRIKE!**
- China Has Overtaken the U.S. as the World’s Largest Economy | Vanity Fair
- Cass Sunstein on the constitution in the 21st century | Harvard Magazine
- Win or Lost – A history of voting math – The New Yorker
- Neutrino Communications: An Interstellar Future?
- THE CODE: A declassified and unbelievable hostage rescue story | The Verge
- The World’s Greatest Counterfeiter: Frank Bourassa
- What happened when I confronted my cruellest troll | Society | The Guardian
- Press release: It is now 3 minutes to midnight | Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists
- The Cheater’s Guide to Love – The New Yorker
- Meet the man who could own Aviva France | FT Alphaville**
- A Nice Cup of Tea by George Orwell**
- How Today’s Computers Weaken Our Brain – The New Yorker
- My dog – the paradox on 9GAG
- 23andMe receives patent to create designer babies, but denies plans to do so | The Verge
- Why Developing Serious Relationships in Your 20s Matters – Medium
- How much can an extra hour’s sleep change you? – BBC News
- Tea Party Politics: A Look Inside the Republican Suicide Machine | Rolling Stone
- Polywater history and science mistakes: The U.S. and USSR raced to create a new form of water.
- Pakistan’s Man in Washington – POLITICO Magazine
- Baba Shiv: How Do You Find Breakthrough Ideas? | Stanford Graduate School of Business
- A List of Reasons Why Our Brains Love Lists – The New Yorker
- Why ‘The West Wing’ Is a Terrible Guide to American Democracy – The Atlantic
- I Tasted BBQ Sauce Made By IBM’s Watson, And Loved It
- Tetris: how we made the addictive computer game | Culture | The Guardian
- What Xi and Putin really think about the west – FT.com
- Abstruse Goose | Bizarro
- I Liked Everything I Saw on Facebook for Two Days. Here’s What It Did to Me | WIRED
- We Have a Rape Gif Problem and Gawker Media Won’t Do Anything About It
- Slack is killing email | The Verge
- Kara Swisher: Tech’s Most Powerful Snoop — NYMag
- Technology’s foremost fortune teller: Why Intel has an anthropologist on its payroll | Features | Lifestyle | The Independent
- Reddit is a failed state | The Verge**
- When MIT Publishes Science Fiction, You Should Pay Attention | Motherboard
- Riding Beijing’s subway end to end: 88km of queues and crushes on a 20p ticket | Cities | The Guardian
- We Can Handle the Truth – The New Yorker**
- Why is Singapore in the Wrong Time Zone?
- Sept. 26, 1983: The Man Who Saved the World by Doing … Nothing | WIRED
- Code as Law: How Bitcoin Could Decentralize the Courtroom | Motherboard
- The Knowledge, London’s Legendary Taxi-Driver Test, Puts Up a Fight in the Age of GPS – The New York Times
- The Dish: Parkes Radio Telescope in NSW, Australia
- My roommate didn’t replace the toilet paper, so I wrote a Shakespearean tragedy dedicated to him. – 9GAG**
- AI Has Arrived, and That Really Worries the World’s Brightest Minds | WIRED
- Ikea has killed off Expedit, leaving me sad, angry and confused | Peter Robinson | Opinion | The Guardian
- Your Elevator Pitch Needs an Elevator Pitch
- Welcome to Colon, Magic Capital of the World | The Verge
- New Zealand’s Crusade Against Mammals – The New
- The Moon Landing: An Undelivered Nixon Speech
- The Extraordinary Persistence of Social Hierarchy in Westeros |
Bleeding Heart Libertarians
- Do Scandinavians Have It All Figured Out? – The New Yorker
- The War Nerd: Who Won Iraq? Answer: Anyone Who Stayed Out – By Gary Brecher – The eXiled**
- Delhi:A City Without Time: The Indian Quarterly; A Literary & Cultural Magazine
- Before I go | Stanford Medicine
- Special Forces Innovation: How DARPA Attacks Problems
- The Problem with Easy Technology – The New Yorker**
- Why can’t we read anymore? Medium
- 51 Of The Most Beautiful Sentences In Literature
- India-Bangla land swap: was the world’s strangest border created by a game of chess?
- Why We Can’t Solve Big Problems | MIT Technology Review
- Acknowledging Privilege
- The Economics of Using Uber in India, For Drivers, Passengers and the Company – Capital Mind
- Latex condoms are the worst: Why, after all these years, don’t we have a better condom?
- Why Self-Driving Cars Must Be Programmed to Kill | MIT Technology Review**
- How the father of Indian nuclear bomb stalled strike on Pakistan’s nuclear sites – The Economic Times
- Mindy Kaling’s Guide to Killer Confidence: Glamour.com
- The Moral Bucket List – NYTimes.com
- One Night at Kachka | Eater **
- Why I Am Addicted to Friendship Affairs, And Why it Has Nothing to Do With My Marriage – The Ladies Finger
- The long, incredibly tortuous, and fascinating process of creating a Chinese font – Quartz **
- Taming the Mammoth: Why You Should Stop Caring What Other People Think – Wait But Why
Source 1: Pocket (curated largely from SM feeds I follow)
Source 2: The email thread
In 2013, I received an email from a friend, proposing an exchange of articles everyday.
The purpose of the thread was simple: read outside our respective bubbles. Perhaps you’ve noticed that your reading is often restricted, whether by sector, content, or provider, we certainly did. My friend’s remedy? The thread, which went back and forth, carrying reading material chosen for its ability to stand out amidst all the noise and the similarity.
This thread was a joy because it was restricted to 2 people, and lapses in sending articles were easily remedied by a quick reminder. Over the last two years, this thread has thrown up over 107 articles, ranging from the mundane, to the truly bizzare. From commentary on current events, to cartoons and videos. This thread has been epic.
Even with the thread striving to provide newness, we’ve lapsed to sending each other more and more articles on tech, sociology and politics, and less and less on art and science and music and food and stamps and cakes and a million other things that make life worth living, in my opinion. We’re revamping the thread in search of diversity, and I’ve memorialised the best of the contents as a gift to humanity.